View Poll Results: When push comes to shove will Ivanka stand with her husband or dad?

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  • Daddy dearest

    37 72.55%
  • Weasel boy

    14 27.45%
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Thread: Tremendous people. All the best people. The general politics thread.

  1. #1651
    Elite Member ShimmeringGlow's Avatar
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    Charles M. Blow@CharlesMBlow

    Wait, wait, wait: If Cohen just got $32 million in cash in 2014, why did he need to take out second mortgage/home equity line to get the $130k to pay Stormy in 2016? Something isn’t adding up… (link: https://mobile.nytimes.com/2018/05/0...yer-trump.html) mobile.nytimes.com/2018/05/05/bus…

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    Elite Member Brookie's Avatar
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    Everyone catch SNL last night? Stormy Daniels. The real one.
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    Elite Member Trixie's Avatar
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    haha that was great!
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  4. #1654
    Elite Member HWBL's Avatar
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    Quote Originally Posted by ShimmeringGlow View Post


    Charles M. Blow@CharlesMBlow

    Wait, wait, wait: If Cohen just got $32 million in cash in 2014, why did he need to take out second mortgage/home equity line to get the $130k to pay Stormy in 2016? Something isn’t adding up… (link: https://mobile.nytimes.com/2018/05/0...yer-trump.html) mobile.nytimes.com/2018/05/05/bus…

    Yeah, and I bet those buyers were NOT Russians laundering mob money, tsk.
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  5. #1655
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    ^Sorry, wouldn't let me edit.

    Source: Washington Post

    As the ‘King of Debt,’ Trump borrowed to build his empire. Then he began spending hundreds of millions in cash.

    By Jonathan O'Connell, David A. Fahrenthold, Jack Gillum
    May 5, 2018 at 1:30 PM
    Less than a month before he became the Republican nominee for president in 2016, Donald Trump celebrated the grand reopening of Trump International Golf Links in Aberdeen, Scotland. (Matthew Lloyd/Bloomberg)
    In the nine years before he ran for president, Donald Trump’s company spent more than $400 million in cash on new properties — including 14 transactions paid for in full, without borrowing from banks — during a buying binge that defied real estate industry practices and Trump’s own history as the self-described “King of Debt.”


    Trump’s vast outlay of cash, tracked through public records and totaled publicly here for the first time, provides a new window into the president’s private company, which discloses few details about its finances.


    It shows that Trump had access to far more cash than previously known, despite his string of commercial bankruptcies and the Great Recession’s hammering of the real estate industry.


    Why did the “King of Debt,” as he has called himself in interviews, turn away from that strategy, defying the real estate wisdom that it’s unwise to risk so much of one’s own money in a few projects?


    And how did Trump — who had money tied up in golf courses and buildings — raise enough liquid assets to go on this cash buying spree?
    From the outside, it is difficult to assess how much cash the Trump Organization has on hand.


    Eric Trump, a son of the president who helps manage the company, told The Washington Post that none of the cash used to purchase the 14 properties came from outside investors or from selling off major Trump Organization assets.


    Instead, Eric Trump said, the firm’s existing businesses — commercial buildings in New York, licensing deals for Trump-branded hotels and clothes — produced so much cash that the Trumps could tap that flow for spending money.


    “He had incredible cash flow and built incredible wealth,” Eric Trump said. “He didn’t need to think about borrowing for every transaction. We invested in ourselves.”


    He added: “It’s a very nice luxury to have.”


    The cash purchases began with a $12.6 million estate in Scotland in 2006. In the next two years, he snapped up two homes in Beverly Hills. Then five golf clubs along the East Coast. And a winery in Virginia.
    As President Trump's actions and rhetoric grow more polarizing, his business empire is losing lucrative event business. The Post's David A. Fahrenthold looked at the trend of charities leaving Trump properties. (Jenny Starrs/The Washington Post) The biggest cash binge came last, in the year before Trump announced his run for president. In 2014, he paid a combined $79.7 million for large golf courses in Scotland and Ireland. Since then, those clubs have lost money while Trump renovated them, requiring him to pump in $164 million in cash to keep them running.


    Trump’s lavish spending came at a time when his business was leaning largely on one major financial institution for its new loans — Deutsche Bank, which provided $295 million in financing for big projects in Miami and Washington.


    Eric Trump said his father wasn’t forced to turn to a cash-heavy strategy. Trump could have borrowed more if he wanted, he said. But he had soured on borrowing in general, Eric Trump said, after contending with unpaid debts in the early 1990s.


    “Those lessons undoubtedly shaped his business approach and the conservative nature of how we conduct business today,” Eric Trump said.
    Real estate investors typically don’t buy big properties with their money alone. They find partners to invest and banks to lend alongside them. That allows the investors to amplify their buying power, and it increases the odds of earning higher returns.


    “For privately held real estate firms, basically they like to use as much debt as they can. The only brakes are put on by the lending institutions, who don’t want to lend too much,” said David Geltner, a professor of real estate finance at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology.


    Industry experts said avoiding loans can alleviate risk for real estate companies and allow them to maneuver more quickly.


    But they said that approach is typically undertaken by cash-rich investors that aren’t focused on maximizing the money they make off a property or by companies that aren’t trying to minimize their tax bills, because interest payments on mortgages are often tax-deductible. Companies that have trouble obtaining loans would also turn to cash, they noted.


    Particularly when pursuing major projects, private real estate firms usually borrow. “I still think at the end of the day, you want some debt,” said Ed Walter, a Georgetown University real estate professor and former chief executive of Host Hotels, which owns more than 100 hotels under various brands.


    Trump himself embraced that philosophy — extolling the virtues of borrowing big, even more enthusiastically than other real estate executives. Until, suddenly, he didn’t.


    To total up Trump’s cash payments in real estate transactions, The Washington Post examined land records and corporate reports from six U.S. states, Ireland and the United Kingdom. These records show purchase prices for Trump’s properties, details about any mortgages and — in the United Kingdom and Ireland — the amount of cash Trump plowed into his clubs after he bought them. The Post provided the figures it used to the Trump Organization, which did not dispute them.






    Documents tell the story — written in tiny type and in the lifeless prose of lawyers — of Trump’s flashy career in real estate.
    It was a career built on chutzpah, debt . . . and more debt.


    “He always used other people’s money. That’s for sure. Not cash,” said Barbara Res, who was a top executive for Trump throughout the 1980s and continued to work for him for most of the 1990s. “He always got somebody to put up funds for him. To put up the money. And he’d put up the brilliance.”


    Debt helped make Trump in the first place, allowing the prince of an outer-borough apartment empire to play a king in Manhattan.


    In 1988, when Trump bought New York’s famed Plaza Hotel, he paid $407.5 million. He got a $425 million loan.


    “If the world goes to hell in a handbasket, I won’t lose a dollar,” Trump bragged to a reporter in 1988. He said he had offloaded the risk by investing and borrowing against other people’s money.


    But then it was debt that nearly sank Trump, when a late-’80s recession undercut his risky investments in hotels, casinos and airplanes. Among the things he lost was the Plaza: The bank took it back and sold it for $325 million in 1995. He never personally went bankrupt, but his real estate holdings dwindled.


    Then debt helped him come back.


    The headquarters of Deutsche Bank in Frankfurt, Germany, on April 9. The Trump Organization has borrowed hundreds of millions from the bank. (Alex Kraus/Bloomberg)
    After several low years in the 1990s, Trump began to rebuild his real estate business with borrowed money. He got mortgages to buy an office building on Wall Street. Golf courses in Florida and New York. A $700,000 home in Palm Beach, Fla.


    George Ross, a senior counsel who advised Trump for 25 years, summed up the developer’s attitude toward debt in one sentence.


    “Borrow as much as you can for as long as you can,” Ross wrote in his book “Trump Strategies for Real Estate.”


    In the book, Ross explained that borrowing allowed Trump to seed his money into multiple projects at once, then fill out the rest with loans and partners’ investments, protecting his bank account and getting significant tax write-offs on the interest he had to pay.


    “When Trump invests in a real estate project, he typically puts up less of his own money than you might think,” Ross wrote, explaining how Trump followed this rule. “Typically, his investors in the project will put up 85 percent while Trump puts up 15 percent.”


    Then in 2006, the same year Ross’s book was published, Trump changed his approach.


    He began buying up land near Aberdeen, on Scotland’s North Sea coast. Trump ultimately paid $12.6 million for the property. He’s spent at least $50 million more to build a golf course there, which was wrapped up in land-use fights and didn’t open until 2012.


    “Even his closest senior advisers in NYC were surprised” that Trump paid cash, recounted Neil Hobday, a British developer who worked on the Aberdeen project with Trump.


    Why did he do it?


    Hobday said it was a personal connection: Trump’s mother was born in Scotland.


    “He was, I believe, ‘mystically’ connected and hooked to this project. All my conversations with him were almost on an emotional rather than hard business level,” Hobday wrote in an email to The Post.


    But Trump soon began to buy other properties in cash, in places far from his mother’s homeland.


    In 2008 and 2009, he paid $17.4 million in cash for two neighboring Beverly Hills homes.


    In 2009, Trump spent at least $6.7 million on two golf clubs, one outside New York City and another outside Philadelphia.


    In Charlottesville, he paid $16.2 million for a winery, buying up the first plots in 2011. “I own it 100 percent, no mortgage, no debt. You can all check,” Trump said of that winery during the 2016 campaign.


    Then-candidate Donald Trump arrives for the grand opening of the Albemarle Estate at Trump Winery in July 2015 outside Charlottesville. (Andrew Shurtleff/Daily Progress/AP)
    By 2011, Trump had spent at least $46 million on all-cash purchases.


    Public records reveal some details about the Trump Organization’s finances during this time period.


    The company was taking in tens of millions from the sale of residential properties, including a home in Palm Beach for $95 million in 2008. It made money off licensing deals: In 2015, Trump reported making at least $9.1 million from those deals over 16 months. The firm also collected rent from its commercial buildings, producing what Forbes recently estimated was $175 million annually.


    But that wasn’t all free cash. Those businesses came with costs — salaries, renovations, taxes, payments on existing mortgages — that pulled money out of the business. Those costs haven’t been released.


    In the same period, some of Trump’s companies also experienced financial problems. His publicly traded casino and hotel company declared bankruptcy in 2009. And in 2008, Trump sued Deutsche Bank to challenge the size of his payments on a loan related to his tower in Chicago.

    Trump’s logic in that case: The 2008 financial crisis had crushed the real estate business so completely that it should be considered like an act of God.


    Eric Trump said that, in this time, the company had accumulated enough cash to have ready spending money, so it could bid on short notice.


    When the Trumps felt an emotional connection to a property, Eric Trump said, they didn’t want to wait for banks and outside partners to sign off. So they paid cash.


    “We want to be nimble. If we see an unbelievable opportunity or something that interests us, we want to jump on it,” he said.


    “With lenders, every time you sneeze, you have to write a four-page report,” he added.


    Despite that distaste for bankers’ paperwork, the Trump Organization still obtained loans in this period from Deutsche Bank. Starting in 2012, Trump borrowed $125 million from Deutsche to purchase the Doral golf club in Florida and $170 million from the same bank to renovate the Old Post Office into a hotel in Washington. The Trump Organization declined to comment about why it turned to borrowing in these cases.


    Trump spent $65 million of his own on those two deals to cover the costs that Deutsche Bank did not.


    Then the spending got bigger.


    Dusk falls outside the Trump International Hotel in Washington in July. (Evelyn Hockstein for The Washington Post/)
    The year before he launched his campaign for president, Trump made the two most expensive all-cash purchases that The Post found in its review.

    In 2014, he shelled out $79.7 million for the huge golf resorts in Doonbeg, Ireland, and Turnberry, Scotland — both of which were losing money at the time.


    The golf courses were his most recent cash deals and last acquisitions before becoming president.


    The Trump Organization pursued pricey renovations of both courses, during which time the properties have continued to suffer losses. Under Trump, the two courses are at least $240 million in the hole so far, according to British and Irish corporate records.


    Had Trump financed the property, the risks to the investment would be shared among lenders and other partners.


    Geltner said it was unusual to see a company not bring in financial partners in either the purchase or construction of such large development projects.


    Eric Trump said that when he, his brother, Donald Trump Jr., and sister, Ivanka Trump, joined their father’s business over a decade ago, they agreed to grow the company around properties that would produce income long-term.


    He said that they would never sell any of their properties and that he expected the European clubs to lose money while they were being renovated.

    The Trumps plan to wait, work and eventually make their money back.


    “You’re going to have some operational losses,” he said, “and then you get into the black, and you make great money.”


    During the 2016 campaign, Trump continued to brag about how he’d mastered the art of spending other people’s cash.


    “I do that all the time in business: It’s called other people’s money. There’s nothing like doing things with other people’s money because it takes the risk,” Trump told a campaign-trail audience in North Carolina in September 2016. “You get a good chunk of it, and it takes the risk.”





    Nash Riggins, in Stirling, Scotland; Hawes Spencer, in Charlottesville; and Tom Hamburger, Julie Tate, Alice Crites and Chris Alcantara in Washington contributed to this report.


    Jonathan O'Connell covers economic development with a focus on commercial real estate and the Trump Organization. He has written extensively about Donald Trump's business, including how his D.C. hotel has affected Washington and what Trump hotels will mean to the Mississippi Delta. He joined The Washington Post in 2010.

    David A. Fahrenthold is a reporter covering the Trump family and their business interests. He has been at The Washington Post since 2000, and previously covered Congress, the federal bureaucracy, the environment and the D.C. police.

    Jack Gillum is an investigative reporter for The Washington Post. He previously worked for the Associated Press, where he focused on national politics and data journalism projects. He also pursued investigations into standardized test cheating and college athletics for USA Today, and he began his career at the Arizona Daily Star in Tucson.

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  6. #1656
    Elite Member HWBL's Avatar
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    Again: forgive me, wouldn't let me edit/add.

    Source: Think Progress

    Giuliani delivers incoherent, damaging interview about Stormy Daniels on ABC


    Why on earth is this man on TV?

    Judd Legum , Ian Millhiser

    May 6, 2018, 1:39 pm



    CREDIT: Tasos Katopodis/Getty Images


    Trump attorney Rudy Giuliani, who was forced to issue a statement recanting his previous comments on Stormy Daniels last week, went back on national TV on Sunday to discuss the matter in detail.


    He came, by his own admission, with no greater understanding of the facts. On multiple occasions, he declared the facts of the matter irrelevant.




    In the process, he made a number of damaging admissions that could complicate Trump’s efforts in ongoing civil and criminal legal processes surrounding the issue, all while claiming he was brought on as the president’s lawyers to deal with an entirely separate matter, the Mueller investigation.


    Giuliani started by refusing to acknowledge that Trump had even met Stormy Daniels, though he was forced to backtrack after ABC News’ George Stephanopoulos showed a picture of Trump and Daniels standing together.


    Indeed, throughout the interview, Giuliani often appeared confused and in over his head. After Stephanopoulos asked when Trump first learned that Daniels wanted money “to keep quiet about the relationship,” Giuliani’s response was “[I] don’t know and it doesn’t matter to me.”


    Similarly, Stephanopoulos asked Giuliani about Giuliani’s own statements to Buzzfeed that Trump only agreed to reimburse his lawyer, Michael Cohen, for the money he paid to Stormy Daniels after Cohen complained to Trump about being stiffed. In response, Giuliani dismissed his own previous statements to Buzzfeed as “rumors” and claimed that “right now I’m at the point where I’m learning” about the facts.




    The overall impression created by Giuliani’s appearance, in other words, was more Mr. Magoo than Perry Mason. Giuliani was confused, self-contradictory, and ignorant of key facts.



    Yet, no matter how unprepared Giuliani was for Sunday’s interview, he is still Trump’s lawyer and that carries with it very serious consequences for his client. When a lawyer speaks on behalf of a client, their words typically carry the same legal force as if they’d been spoken by the client him or herself.


    So when Giuliani stated in Sunday’s interview that the $130,000 payment to Daniels “may have involved the campaign,” or when he suggested that Daniels had greater leverage over Trump because Trump was running for president, those are statements that run counter to the Trump legal team’s larger narrative — that the payment was irrelevant to the campaign. And they potentially could be turned against Trump in court.


    There’s a reason, in other words, why sophisticated clients typically do not send confused and ill-informed lawyers out to represent them on national television. Trump, however, does not seem to have gotten that memo.







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  7. #1657
    Elite Member Nevan's Avatar
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    There is no way he's out there stating "opinion" on his own. He's got Goldfish's full support and Goldfish thinks he's the smartest man in the room, hence these ridiculously damaging interviews that this moron keeps giving. I hope his whole legal team walks out in protest.

    And question to our legal eagles .... that whole fiasco with Judge Ellis. Is he as way over the line as everybody thinks he is? If there is proof that Manafort did these extremely serious things (and I have to believe there is because Mueller is not a stupid man), can a federal judge even get all political and tear up the prosecution's whole case against Manafort based on the much larger investigation into collusion and obstruction against Trump and his lackeys and family?
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  8. #1658
    Elite Member ShimmeringGlow's Avatar
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    I just watched the movie, "Mark Felt" starring Liam Neeson. The contrast between what happened back then and what is going on now is so striking. Trump's dirty tricks and financial fraud has been exposed by the press and is shrugged off like they're no big deal. He should have been impeached and removed within his first year, but instead he'll probably be re-elected.

  9. #1659
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    Didn't know there was a Mark Felt movie. I'll have to catch that one - is it PPV yet?
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  10. #1660
    Elite Member ShimmeringGlow's Avatar
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    Quote Originally Posted by Brookie View Post
    Didn't know there was a Mark Felt movie. I'll have to catch that one - is it PPV yet?

    It's on Starz. It's the story of Watergate told from Deep Throat's prospective. Felt was a career Bureau man who was passed over to be Director after Hoover died. He broke his personal oath to the Bureau because of what the White House was trying to cover-up. Imagine that.
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    Elite Member Brookie's Avatar
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    Awesome, I get Starz. I'm watching something intellectual right now - Blazing Saddles.
    Life is short. Break the Rules. Forgive Quickly. Kiss Slowly. Love Truly.
    Laugh Uncontrollably. And never regret ANYTHING that makes you smile.

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  12. #1662
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    Brian Stelter@brianstelter

    Michael Caputo talking about Mueller's team: "Every question they asked me, they already had the answers to."








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    Quote Originally Posted by Brookie View Post
    Awesome, I get Starz. I'm watching something intellectual right now - Blazing Saddles.
    Me too!
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  14. #1664
    Elite Member HWBL's Avatar
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    Source: The New Yorker

    Israeli Operatives Who Aided Harvey Weinstein Collected Information on Former Obama Administration Officials



    By Ronan Farrow
    May 6, 2018








    The private-intelligence firm Black Cube compiled profiles on Colin Kahl (pictured) and Ben Rhodes, Obama Administration advisers who were proponents of the Iran nuclear deal.



    Photograph by Chip Somodevilla / Getty


    In June, 2017, Ann Norris, a former State Department official, received an e-mail containing an unusual proposal. Norris is married to Ben Rhodes, a former foreign-policy adviser to President Obama and a prominent advocate of the Iran nuclear deal. In the e-mail, a woman who introduced herself as Eva Novak and claimed to work for a London-based film company called Shell Productions asked Norris to consult on a movie that she described as “ ‘All the President’s’ Men meets ‘The West Wing’ ”: it would follow the personal lives of “government officials in the positions that determine war and Peace” during times of geopolitical crisis, including “nuclear negotiations with a hostile nation.” Recalling the exchange, Ann Norris said that she found Eva Novak’s request “bizarre,” and that she “never responded.”


    The e-mail appears to be part of an undercover campaign by an Israeli private-intelligence firm to discredit Obama officials who had been leading proponents of the 2015 Iran nuclear deal. The campaign was first reported, on Saturday, by the British newspaper the Observer. However, sources familiar with the effort and pages of documents obtained by The New Yorker reveal that there is more to understand. Two of those sources told me on Sunday that the operation was carried out by Black Cube—a firm that was also employed by Harvey Weinstein and that offers its clients access to operatives from “Israel’s élite military and governmental intelligence units,” including the Mossad.


    A month before Norris received her e-mail, Rebecca Kahl, a former program officer at the National Democratic Institute and the wife of the former Obama Administration foreign-policy adviser Colin Kahl, had also received a puzzling e-mail. A woman named Adriana Gavrilo claimed to be the head of corporate social responsibility at Reuben Capital Partners, a London-based wealth-management firm. Gavrilo told Kahl that her firm was launching an initiative on education and that she wanted to meet to discuss the school that Kahl’s daughter attended, at which Kahl volunteered. Kahl referred Gavrilo to school staff members, but Gavrilo repeatedly refused to speak to anyone but her. Gavrilo’s firm would “not be able to make the necessary due diligence” on the school employees, she wrote. Rebecca Kahl, who said she “worried I’m strangely a target of some sort,” eventually stopped responding to Gavrilo.


    Adriana Gavrilo and Eva Novak appear to be aliases. LinkedIn pages for both Gavrilo and Novak at one point showed a slim blond woman advertised as fluent in Serbian. Shortly after The New Yorker contacted Black Cube about this story, Novak’s LinkedIn page was deleted. The e-mail addresses listed by both women do not work. Calls to the phone number Novak listed went unanswered. The Web sites for Reuben Capital Partners and Shell Productions have been taken down, but both were bare-bones pages constructed through the free site-building tool Wix. The addresses for both companies led to shared office spaces; there is no evidence that Shell Productions or Reuben Capital Partners had ever operated there.


    The documents show that Black Cube compiled detailed background profiles of several individuals, including Rhodes and Kahl, that featured their addresses, information on their family members, and even the makes of their cars. Black Cube agents were instructed to try to find damaging information about them, including unsubstantiated claims that Rhodes and Kahl had worked closely with Iran lobbyists and were personally enriched through their policy work on Iran (they denied those claims); rumors that Rhodes was one of the Obama staffers responsible for “unmasking” Trump transition officials who were named in intelligence documents (Rhodes denied the claim); and an allegation that one of the individuals targeted by the campaign had an affair.


    The campaign is strikingly similar to an operation that Black Cube ran on behalf of Harvey Weinstein, which was reported in The New Yorker last fall.

    One of Weinstein’s attorneys, David Boies, hired Black Cube to halt the publication of sexual-misconduct allegations against Weinstein. Black Cube operatives used false identities to track women with allegations, and also reporters seeking to expose the story. In May, 2017, a former Israel Defense Forces officer, who had emigrated to Israel from the former Yugoslavia, was working as an undercover agent for Black Cube. The woman contacted the actress Rose McGowan, claiming to work for Reuben Capital Partners but using the identity of a Diana Filip. Filip’s e-mails to McGowan displayed the same tactics as those in the e-mails sent to Norris and Kahl, and in some cases used almost identical language. (Filip also wrote to me from Reuben Capital Partners, and again used similar language.)


    In a statement, Black Cube said, “It is Black Cube’s policy to never discuss its clients with any third party, and to never confirm or deny any speculation made with regard to the company’s work.” The statement also read, "Black Cube has no relation whatsoever to the Trump administration, to Trump aides, to anyone close to the administration, or to the Iran Nuclear deal." The firm also said that it "always operates in full compliance of the law in every jurisdiction in which it conducts its work, following legal advice from the world’s leading law firms.”


    In the Iran operation, as in its operation for Weinstein, Black Cube focussed much of its work on reporters and other media figures, sometimes using agents who posed as journalists. The company compiled a list of more than thirty reporters who it believed were in touch with Obama Administration officials, annotated with instructions about how to seek negative information. Transcripts produced by Black Cube reveal that the firm secretly recorded a conversation between one of its agents and Trita Parsi, a Swedish-Iranian author. The conversation, which began as a general discussion of Iran policy, quickly devolved into questions about Rhodes, Kahl, and whether they had personally profited off of the Iran policy. “I’ve had the first part of the conversation five hundred times,” Parsi recalled, of his conversation with the agent, who claimed to be a reporter. “But then he started asking about personal financial interests, and that was more unusual. He was pushing very, very hard.”


    The Observer reported that aides of President Trump had hired Black Cube to run the operation in order to undermine the Iran deal, allegations that Black Cube denies. “The idea was that people acting for Trump would discredit those who were pivotal in selling the deal, making it easier to pull out of it,” a source told the Observer. One of the sources familiar with the effort told me that it was, in fact, part of Black Cube’s work for a private-sector client pursuing commercial interests related to sanctions on Iran. (A Trump Administration spokesperson declined to comment to the Observer on the allegations.)


    Kahl, who worked as an adviser to Vice-President Joe Biden, said that he believed Trump associates may have been involved because of unsubstantiated reports in conservative media outlets accusing Rhodes and Kahl of damaging leaks about the Trump administration. “Why Ben and I? Why conjoin Ben and me?” Kahl asked. “Of all the other senior people in the White House, I’m least senior.”


    Black Cube is known for its close ties to current and former power players in Israeli politics and intelligence. The late Meir Dagan, a former Mossad director, once served as the company’s president. Ehud Barak, the former Israeli Prime Minister, has publicly acknowledged that he introduced Weinstein to Black Cube’s leadership. (Barak said he did not know the nature of Weinstein’s concerns at the time.) The Observer reported that officials linked to Trump’s team had made contact with Black Cube days after Trump visited Tel Aviv in May, 2017, during his first foreign tour as President. Standing next to Netanyahu during that trip, Trump promised, “Iran will never have nuclear weapons, that I can tell you.”


    Rhodes said that the campaign represented a troubling situation in which public servants were being targeted for their work in government. “This just eviscerates any norm of how governments should operate or treat their predecessors and their families,” he said. “It crosses a dangerous line.”









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  15. #1665
    Elite Member Brookie's Avatar
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    The basement gets more basement-ier.
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